The C.I.A.’s Maddening Relationship with Pakistan

The C.I.A.’s Maddening Relationship with Pakistan

Thirteen years ago, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld arrived in
Pakistan with a list. He pulled it from his shirt pocket during a
meeting with President Pervez Musharraf, and told the general how,
during a recent Oval Office gathering, President George W. Bush had
expressed bewilderment and annoyance that most of the terrorists on the
list were suspected of hiding out in Pakistan—an ostensible American
ally. Musharraf promised to look into the matter, according to a
participant in the meeting. And, less than a month later, Pakistan’s
military intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence, or
I.S.I., arrested one of the men atop the list. “Here’s the truth,” a
former senior U.S. intelligence official told me. Pakistan has been “in
many ways” America’s best counterterrorism partner, the official said.
“Nobody had taken more bad guys off the battlefield than the

Yet there was, and remains, a maddening quality to their coöperation,
the official said. Pakistan’s intelligence service went “all-in” against
certain terrorists, like Al Qaeda and the Pakistani Taliban, while
continuing to support the Afghan Taliban, the Haqqanis, and anti-India
jihadis. On at least two occasions, the former acting C.I.A. director
Michael Morell flew to Pakistan with a list of militants the United
States hoped Pakistan would apprehend or confront. Just last month,
Defense Secretary James Mattis went there on a similar mission. “It’s
frustrating. Our talking points have been identical for the last fifteen
years: ‘You need to get tough on terrorism, and you need to close the
sanctuaries,’ ” one former intelligence official told me.

Last week, Donald Trump became the third President to echo that
frustration. “The United States has foolishly given Pakistan more than
33 billion dollars in aid over the last 15 years,” he tweeted. “They
have given us nothing but lies & deceit.” Three days later, the Trump
Administration went further than its predecessors when the State
Department announced that it was suspending military-equipment
deliveries and financial assistance to Pakistan until the country took,
in the words of a senior Administration official, “decisive action”
against the Afghan Taliban, the Haqqani network, and other groups that
“threaten U.S. interests and U.S. personnel” in Afghanistan. The value
of suspended funds totals approximately two billion dollars, and
includes military equipment that Pakistan ordered in 2013 but has not
yet received.

American officials have never been blind to the Pakistani agency’s
duplicity. It was “baked into the stock price of U.S.-Pakistan
relations,” said Joshua White, a former national-security council
adviser in the Obama Administration. And, in general, Pakistani
coöperation with America’s counterterrorism campaign has been strong:
their government permitted the C.I.A. to fly armed drones over
Pakistan’s remote tribal areas, where many militants hid. Initially, the
agency even based its drones on Pakistani soil, working off a list
jointly drawn up with its I.S.I. counterparts. As those on the “target
deck” were killed, new names—most of them foreign Al Qaeda leaders—were

That close collaboration has eroded over the years. In 2010, the
identity of the C.I.A.’s station chief, Jonathan Bank, appeared in the
Pakistani press in what American officials suspected was a leak planted
by the I.S.I. Bank’s replacement, Mark Kelton, arrived at an inopportune
time: a day after he showed up, two Pakistani men died in an altercation
in Lahore with a C.I.A. contractor, Raymond Davis, who claimed that the
men had tried to rob him. And Kelton was still there when, in May, 2011,
Navy SEALs helicoptered into Pakistan, stormed Osama bin Laden’s
compound, and killed the Al Qaeda leader. At one point, the I.S.I. chief
at the time, Ahmed Shuja Pasha, told the U.S. Ambassador, Cameron
Munter, how Kelton, who could be dour, reminded him of a “walking
cadaver.” Not long after, Kelton fell ill. He suspected that he had been

Eventually, the C.I.A. stopped notifying the I.S.I. of drone strikes in
advance. Pakistani officials, in turn, exaggerated the number of
civilians killed in the American strikes, according to several former
officials. The C.I.A. has been exacting in its efforts to avoid civilian
casualties, officials told me. For instance, in May, 2013, according to
two former intelligence officials, agency drones spotted Wali-ur-Rehman,
the deputy emir of the Pakistani Taliban, on the roof of a compound
where, in the summer months, it was cooler than sleeping inside. There
was a clear shot from the drone circling overheard, but analysts at
C.I.A. headquarters were wary that a direct strike would bring the whole
house down, and kill numerous women and children inside. After studying
the house for hours, they decided that they could fire the missile from
an oblique angle, killing Rehman and his associates on the roof, while
saving those below. The Predator dropped into a low orbit and fired
several missiles, which skimmed the roof and killed Rehman. The
officials said that no civilians died.

By 2015, the C.I.A. had begun to run out of Al Qaeda targets in
Pakistan; there were ten drone strikes reported in Pakistan that year,
compared to a hundred and twenty-two in 2010. “The center of gravity for
Al Qaeda was in the process of a fundamental shift from Pakistan to
Syria,” Joshua Geltzer, the former senior director for counterterrorism
on Obama’s national-security council, told me. And though the Trump
Administration has presented its new policy as a correction to America’s
past failings in Pakistan, current and former national-security
officials said it was the C.I.A.’s counterterrorism successes there, andAl Qaeda’s corresponding weakness in Pakistan, which have enabled Trump
to take a harder line. In short, Al Qaeda’s operation in Pakistan just
does not represent the threat it once did. The former C.I.A. director
Michael Hayden declined to comment on, or even acknowledge, the C.I.A.’s
drone program, but he told me that he applauded Trump’s decision, and said,
“He may be confident enough that we have sufficiently shaped the
environment that the downsides are manageable.”

Al Qaeda, however, is not the only terrorist group in Pakistan.
Militants based there, particularly the Haqqani network, continue to
carry out deadly attacks on civilians and Afghan and American forces in
Afghanistan. White, the former South Asia adviser, said, “The
outstanding list of Al Qaeda-affiliated figures is small. But the
Haqqani list is moving in the other direction.” And when American
officials have asked the Pakistani military and intelligence officials
to pressure the Haqqanis, White said, “They were at times minimally
responsive, but we always hit a wall.”

Trump’s national-security adviser, H. R. McMaster, has endorsed a harder
line against Pakistan as part of a plan to reinvigorate the war against
the Taliban in Afghanistan. Last year, McMaster saw a report by Lisa
Curtis, a research fellow at the Heritage Foundation, and Husain
Haqqani, the former Pakistani Ambassador to the U.S. (and of no relation
to the Haqqani network in North Waziristan), titled “A New U.S. Approach
to Pakistan.” In it, Curtis and Haqqani argue that the Trump
Administration should “stop chasing the mirage” that Pakistan might
change its approach to confronting certain terrorist groups without the
threat of withholding aid. “Pakistan is not an American ally,” they

McMaster asked Curtis—an experienced Pakistan analyst who had worked at
the C.I.A. and the State Department—to join the national-security
council as the senior director for South and Central Asia. The paper she
co-wrote with Haqqani has become the “blueprint” for Trump’s Pakistan
policy, according to a source familiar with the Administration’s
deliberations. After last week’s suspension of aid, the question is, what next? In their paper, Curtis and Haqqani propose that the U.S.
might threaten to designate Pakistan a “state sponsor of terrorism,”
which could cause a near-total rupture in relations between the two
countries and, perhaps, even the sanctioning of current and former
Pakistani officials.

Pentagon and State Department officials have resisted the new hard-line
approach, citing the risk that Pakistan could cut off the land and air
routes that the U.S. uses to supply American forces in Afghanistan.
State Department officials were also reportedly blindsided by Trump’s tweets last week. (Defense Secretary Mattis has repeatedly
discouraged other Administration officials from issuing ultimatums. A
senior defense official told me, of Mattis, “He’s still making his
case.”) The senior Administration official disputed claims that the
Defense and State Departments were not part of developing the new
approach, and the characterization of Curtis and Haqqani’s paper as the
“blueprint” for the policy change. “There is a robust interagency
process,” the official told me. “There are many people involved in the
policy process. There is a deliberative process.”

More importantly, the official said, last week’s announcement reflected
the Trump Administration’s “broader strategy” in Afghanistan: a
political settlement between the Afghan government and the Taliban. But,
the official added, “We believe that so long as the Taliban and the
Haqqani network feel they have a safe haven in Pakistan, they will be
less motivated to come to the negotiating table.”

One of the former intelligence officials said that he sympathized with
Trump’s stern position. But expecting the I.S.I. to dump the Haqqanis and
the Taliban struck him as being as naïve and Pollyannaish as blaming
America’s failures in Afghanistan on Pakistan. “Even if Pakistan becomes
the most benign country in the world, Afghanistan is not going to be
Switzerland,” he said.


via Everything

January 12, 2018 at 09:10PM

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